9: Learning To Listen – White Privilege

What is white privilege and what does it mean to acknowledge it? How do we benefit from it as white men? What are the inequities people with a different shade of skin than ours face? We are by no means experts. But you don’t have to be an expert to examine yourself and change your direction, and this is what we try to do here. Races are not uniform. But one thing they all have in common is living in a world that caters to whiteness.

Sidenote: Some things we say may come out of the very same white privilege we are hoping to challenge. We cannot and should not speak for people of any race. We intend to speak on whiteness and challenge ourselves and others, but in doing so, may end up putting our foot in our mouth. So if we overstep our bounds, feel free to correct us! We want to learn and do better in this. We’d rather try and have people tell us we’re wrong than stay silent and settle for the status quo.

Learning To Listen: White Privilege

1 thought on “9: Learning To Listen – White Privilege

  1. I’ve left this argument as a reply. Also Keep in mind the writer is a follower of the way – in accordance with the leader of this belief and its tenets; written in the ancient narrative of biblical compilation from the book of Acts “The Way” (Acts 9:2; 19:9, 23; 22:4; 24:14, 22) . Two positions were composed on systemic racism; justifiable racism, as well as, an argument for unjustifiable racism. It is a complex subject; therefore I looked at a recent micro level event to point to the macro level problem of racism. This may help people to understand where and why racism is used for a power differential within our society today. Please read this with a willingness to understand the First Nations perspective. The argument that held up in the light of scrutiny provided the author’s conclusion on Systemic Racism in the biography and history intersecting Colten Boushie/Gerald Stanley case here in Saskatchewan. The Author himself was born a Treaty Indian who’s Great Grandfather and Grandfather fought for the recognition of treated terms in the Number 4 area here in Saskatchewan. This subject runs deeply in the writers heritage. Last point. White Canadian’s you have Treaty Rights as well. You also need to understand what your Treaty Rights gave you – “Nations Make Treaties / Treaties Do Not Make Nations” ( Personal Communication, Walter Richard Gordon, 1984) Systemic Racism in Saskatchewan, By Jason Gordon.
    Systemic Racism in Saskatchewan
    I. Systemic Racism in Saskatchewan
    A. Introduction
    B. Justified Abhorrence
    1. Self Defence
    a. Media Cultivation
    (1) Narrative – white privilege
    (2) Victimization – rural Canada
    C. Aboriginal Crime and Marginalization
    2. Marginalization; Colonial Policy
    a. Historical Materialism; First Nation Lack of Industrial Skill Set
    (1) Subjection – imposition of the Indian Act
    (2) Imperialism – a continuum
    D. Racism; Imposed Power Differential
    3. The Indian Act
    a. Colonization process
    (1) Power Elite – justification of racism
    (2) Racialization – facilitates class structure
    (3) Imperial Justification
    E. Disenfranchisement
    4. Stigmatization
    a. Racialization – unemployment & education
    (1) Disenfranchisement cycle – social sanctions
    (2) Macro social forces Micro personal choices – power matrix & Indian survival.
    Conclusion

    Arguments can be made for white individual rural self-defence in Canada, as well as the continuum of aversion for the Aboriginal. As a Native in Saskatchewan the author can see the need for self-defence in the rural setting. For example, on a First Nations reserve, the writer has personally seen many of the crimes farmers feel the need to defend themselves from. However, racism is the first key to justify the imposing domination of another culture. The framework of this study will consist of “critical theory” and the “analytical lens” of key concepts from Dianne G. Symbaluk and Tami M. Bereska’s book, Sociology in Action. The dynamic of this framework will also include conceptualization of the “sociological imagination”; developed in the 100 level orations of Erin Knuttila. This framework will include, the colonization process to establish the “macro social forces” influencing “micro personal choices” between Colten Boushie and Gerald Stanley. Euro-Canadian colonial history meets Aboriginal “biography” in the “matrix of power”. A “power differential” of disenfranchisement enveloped Colten in the “class struggle” for limited resources. Systemic racism in Saskatchewan is encapsulated in the diametric clash of Boushie and the Stanleys; both as a colonial root and “social deviancy” aspect embedded in the story. Presupposition suggests “racialization” facilitates “class structure” and “power differentials” to impede “social mobility” of the subordinate culture. Accordingly, colonialism shapes “group think” in the “dominant culture” which facilitating imperial hegemony. Within the matrix of power, “racism” is perpetuated for the purpose of division in conquest; regardless of banausic knowledge of the colonial root. The key to understanding systemic racism is in analyzing the decision making process within the media, law enforcement and jury selection/judicial deliberation surrounding the Boushie/Stanley incident. Reflecting on the historical root of bigotry, at the “bidirectional entwinement” of European/American Aboriginal contact, is key to understanding the contemporary pathology of racism. This initial colonial root proves imperialism/colonialism influenced Boushie’s and Gerald Stanley’s choices surrounding Colten’s death. What this event tells us about Saskatchewan is that systematic racism endures in a conscious and subconscious collective (Carl Jung) in the matrix of power and continuum of imperialism.

    Justified Abhorrence
    A subculture of farmers could point to rural crimes as an avenue for their distaste for the Aboriginal in Saskatchewan; resulting in group think “stigmatization” of the Aboriginal subculture. Canadians of rural Saskatchewan have a point for their distrust of First Nations people.
    Residents of Rural Saskatchewan are justified in owning a firearm for self defence. In the face of increased rural crime in our province, a person(s) living isolated from police, would be justified in wanting to defend themselves against crime or assault. In many cases, rural Canadians are out of reach of neighbours and police in terms of sight and distance. It appears that a lot of farmers, police and organizations, like the Saskatchewan Association of Rural Municipalities (SARM), have a lot to say about feeling insecure, being or becoming victims of crime and the need for gun ownership. For example, according to Kathleen Martens and Trina Roache at APTN;
    “ …comments… posted by an officer (APTN News has seen this identified Officer’s facebook post, who will remain nameless, (is a serving member of the RCMP on the prairies), says ‘…This should never have been allowed to be about race…crimes were committed and a jury found the man not guilty in protecting his home and family’” (“RCMP won’t confirm if racist comments by officers are being investigated”, 2018)
    Consequently, after the Boushie/Stanley incident, SARM went on to hold a resolution for lobbying Ottawa. SARM is advocating to expand the rights of property owners to defend themselves. According to the Canadian Centre for Justice Statistics (ACCJ); the provincial rate of rural crime has increased over the last two years by 36%. This increase in crime has prompted SARM’s resolution, which passed with “93 per cent voting in favour of it.” (Macpheron, 2017)
    It seems fair to want to defend oneself in light of “cultivation” of crime reiterated on social media, radio and television. Sheila Gunn Reid, of Rebel media, has pointed out, CBC’s media bias about white privilege being perpetuated and obvious fake information about Stanley being release from custody and his clothing not being held for evidence. Reid pointed out that white privilege was a narrative put forward by the political Left. Justin Trudeau had denounced the jury’s decision and acquittal of Gerald Stanley. Also the CBC called the investigation into the incident “sloppy and negligent”. But based on misinforming the experts they consulted. The CBC claim Stanley was released after he was mug shot and finger printed and allowed to return the following day to make his statement. The CBC also claimed they let Gerald go home without seizing his clothing; perpetuating the white privilege narrative.
    “Let me read you literally from Justice Pospecul’s decision. What are we talking about…paragraph 22 of the decision. This is under factual background that’s been submitted by the Crown and the Defence and this is the judge pulling it all together. “On August the 9th… at 6:47 pm Mr. Stanley was detained for murder. At 6:53 pm he was arrested for murder… Mr. Stanley was at his residence when this occurred. He was subsequently taken to the Biggar detachment where he was lodged in cells. That same evening he consulted legal council twice. At 2:09 am the next morning RCMP officers awakened Mr. Stanley,; ‘ because he was in their cells’. So had he been released? Sent home? No, at 2:09 am they awakened Mr. Stanley to take swabs of his hands and seize his clothing.” (Rebel Media, March 14, 2018)
    According to Sheila Gunn Reid, this busts the narrative of white privilege permeating media, social media and social groups. That the medium surrounding this case, isn’t about Stanley, the RCMP and the courts making decisions based in racism. The writer of this dissertation is First Nations and has at times also shared the same sentiment of defending property and family. The author has seen first hand gas stolen, work bin’s and vehicles broken and entered resulting in theft on his family’s farm (reservation allotment). The writer has also witnessed, a family member beaten severely, by the other inhabitants of that reservation in order to steal their vehicle.
    Victimization seems to bring out the insecurities of a person or family. People’s natural instinct is to want to protect loved ones and their property. Even to the point of using maximum force, like a gun. The writer has a white European male room mate who’s lived on a farm all his life. (He does not want to be directly sourced but is willing to go by the alias “Andy”. Andy is willing to be identified via e-mail; as a real person and credible sourcing.) As a Dutch settler whose family came to Canada in the 1950’s, Andy has expressed the idea of having the need of a firearm for safety in the farm house. Only as back up outside of a call to the RCMP. The RCMP has a 7 minute response time when dispatched to a rural location with GPS. Andy stressed, the family’s gun is locked away and hidden in a gun cabinet. The family is trained to know where the keys are and how to load the gun in case of a necessary physical intervention. If the RCMP fail in response time or escalated crisis calls for its need. Andy suggested that the extra
    measure brings a certain peace of mind. Having a weapon of force does even up susceptibility to crime. Therefore, rural Canadians living in need of self-defence , are justified in retaining a fire-arm. Not having a firearm could mean life or death in rural crime.
    Aboriginal Crime and Marginalization

    In review of rural Saskatchewan crime increase, the majority of which are committed by First Nations people, Canadians must ask, why are the Aboriginals turning to crime despite of negative back lash from mainstream society?
    For the Aboriginal, idiosyncrasies are not the case for their marginalization. Colonial policy is the reason for marginalization in order to dissolve inherent claim to the land as well as claims to sovereignty as nations within Canada. Marginalized people often have the right to continue to engage with the dominant culture if their labour and skill can compete on average. This means that industries look for equality of skill set and labour to purchase and exploit. The idiosyncrasies of a person is a subset of their master status. In terms of industrialization idiosyncrasies are often over looked. (this is not to discredit the woes of the marginalized) However, Aboriginal people historically did not posses skilled labour, European education, or capital to participate in the “free-enterprise” society. Aboriginal’s reserve lands are held in trust. The above mentioned lands, are historically held by the English Monarchy; and now the Canadian Crown. This means Aboriginals cannot operate as full sovereigns in determining their economic power and have been reduced to being a ward of the state for paternal hand-outs instead of sovereign nations receiving their treaty provisions. The Native cannot buy or sell the land or borrow against it in order to generate capital. Native people were not allowed to leave their reservation without permission and therefore could not work along side mainstream society. Only until recent times was mobility acceptable; this also includes “social mobility” “inter and intra-generationally”.
    An Indian agent acted as a warden in the police state system deciding who could and could not leave the reservations. Colten Boushie would have had a profound increased chance of not being on the Stanley farm had he been given a generational skill set, education or access to opportunities to create capital, and have the responsibility to maintain his family’s and his own capital; like Euro-Canadian children generally do. To historical materialists,
    “hunter-gatherer” societies, also known as primitive communist, structure their economy and governmental force together. Native American populations generally didn’t have a… “state, property, money, nor social classes.” This makes them communal in a primitive means of productive force. (‘Marxist Sociology’, 2008)
    The policy of the English Monarchy, and now the Canadian government, has been to assimilate “the Indian”. That has traditionally been to force subjugation in order to influence the aboriginal to give up their master status as an inherent native to the land to become a “Canadian”. For example “In 1969, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau and his Minister of Indian Affairs, Jean Chrétien, unveiled a policy paper that proposed ending the special legal relationship between Aboriginal peoples and the Canadian state and dismantling the Indian Act.
    ” …Harold Cardinal, …who headed up the Indian Association of Alberta…exposed for the non-Native public, the hypocrisy of the notion …Canada was a “just society.” Cardinal called the white paper “a thinly disguised programme of extermination through assimilation. He saw the white paper as a form of cultural genocide” (Charlie, 2009)
    The First Nation does not have proper representation and little recognition as a societal member within Canadian culture as a whole. This can be clearly seen by the jury selection process of the Stanley murder trial. A jury of his peers did not include one Aboriginal person or persons of colour. Saskatchewan premier, Scott Moe, admittedly recognizes racist undertones within the Saskatchewan province condemning the behaviour as well as recognizing the under-representation of Aboriginal jury members in a 2017 media Q and A discussion forum. Moe states:
    “There has been previous discussion with respect to jury selection. But with respect to this case and moving forward, that will very well be one of the discussions we will have. I have heard that suggestion across the province. This is in the federal purview. But as we move forward, those are precisely, I think, the conversations we shouldn’t be scared to have.” Minister Morgan also concludes on jury selection; “there has been some work done about the composition of juries by former Supreme Court justice Amarshi in Ontario. There was some recommendation on how…juries should be made up. I think we are open to have those kinds of discussions with the federal government if they choose to have them. We are willing participants to have them. We don’t want to have them in the context of the present case before the courts make any comment on that. But it is a worthwhile discussion to have. Our Justice system evolves through the charter, through court decisions but also through legislation. And those would be healthy discussions to have…we want to hear from First Nations leaders. The comments that people are making in wanting to see more Indigenous people involved in the system is a fair comment.” (CBC, Feb 12, 2018)
    The outcome of this event is that Premier Scott Moe is going to look for solutions surrounding jury selection. This is the proof First Nations people are not just marginalized they are discriminated upon under colonial oppression with systemic racism within the dominant cultures matrix of power. Colten and friends would have made different choices had they not been a subculture inherently marginalized for the purpose of either forced assimilation or genocide. Perhaps Colten Boushie and friends would be focusing on their future as vital, if they were accepted members of mainstream society. They would not have dreamed about ruining their future; stumbling from farm to farm in a drunken haze, uncertain of their future. The continuum of imperialism manifested in their disillusionment. This systemic pathology fuelled their” lower level choices”, based in marginalization, not” thinking critically” about trying to change their predicament and future lives.
    Racism; Imposed Power Differential

    In practice, racism is an ideological weapon as can bee seen by the enforcement of the Indian Act.
    Racism is the first step to justify imposing domination and gives the dominant culture solidarity against a collective enemy. The Indian Act is enforced by the Indian Northern Affairs branch of the government. The policies within the act are still maintained in contemporary Canadian relations between the nations of Indians in Canada and Canadians. The Act is an example of imperial subjection that keeps the native encapsulated in the Euro-Canadian hierarchy matrix. Although the act does recognize treaty stipulations, it removes indigenous sovereignty from the treaty agreement made between nations. According to James Frideres and René R. Gadacz, in their book, Aboriginal Peoples in Canada, they outline a seven step process in which colonization is done by an invading people group. 1 – the arrival, 2 – racial division, 3 – destruction of indigenous social and cultural institutions, 4 – creation of economic dependency of indigenous people on the colonizers, 5 – establishment of external political control, 6 – provision of low level social services, 7 – weaken the resistance of the indigenous people.
    Albeit, the notions of “divine right of kings”; a political monarchical absolutism. (Divine right of kings, ©2019 Also, the notion of “Manifest Destiny”, the adaption of the divine right of rulership, permeates Canadian society and is the basis of the ingrained systematic racism. These axioms endure in a conscious and subconscious collective. (Manifest Destiny,© 1994-2012)
    This seven step process ensures hegemony. For an example of race and class hegemony, a look within the University of Regina campus reveals images of the monarchy of England picture framed in certain area’s of the College. The First Nation University of Canada also has a picture of Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip; egocentrically watching over their subjects as they pass through the main structural tepee of the facility.
    (Perhaps a picture of Sitting Bull, Crazy Horse or Poundmaker would be more appropriately esteemed leaders to watch over the internal nest of the structural tepee).
    The sovereign is the personification of the Canadian state and is Queen of Canada as a matter of constitutional law. (The Canadian State, n.d.)
    From military advancement to farmer’s settlement of aboriginal lands is the belief in the divine right to possession; which is the sovereign’s privilege. This privilege is passed down from the “power elite” to the subordinate classes. Justification for racial division stems from the ruling class. Occupation means people need to live on the land to exploit its resources (Farming). Policing of those lands means the development of a paramilitary group (RCMP) to quell Indian uprising and protect the settler. The imposition of a capitalist society means the Indian is a conflicting impediment to the wealth of the land; as well as a minor nuisance when stealing from the subordinate farmer within the hierarchy. Hierarchical privilege is echoed in this statement by the same identified officer quoted by APTN who went on to say;

    “Too bad the kid died but he got what he deserved…How many of us work on or near reserves and are getting fed up with the race card being used every time someone gets caught breaking the law?… The CC (Criminal Code) is there to protect the criminals and there’s a growing wave of hard working people who are sick of being victims of crime without real justice.” (“RCMP won’t confirm if racist comments by officers are being investigated”, 2018)
    In the officer’s view, Colten “deserved to die”, because he was an aboriginal in poverty doing insipid activities that youth do. Colten deserved to die because he touched the sacred right of privilege passed down by the sovereign. If a group of white young adults that were doing this activity the police would not be making statements like this on their internal face book interface. The Aboriginal’s predicament is so dire, they may steal or engage in deviant activity because of their poverty status. What the Indian has faced from Columbus’s 1492 voyage to the present day is overwhelming. The Canadian Crown policies are a continued despoliation of culture, society and autonomy. If Marx critical theory of “alienation” holds validity to the aboriginal situation in Canada, it may be found in the fact that the First Nations lives are in a constant state of oppression; which has become their class role in capitalist exploitation. The Aboriginal’s contribution to the capitalist matrix is the chaos inflicted on them to keep them from repossessing the land.
    “If we had the right to participate in capitalism, we would be richer than the Saudi’s. If we had the right to join into a capital’s society.” (James A. Sablan Sr., Jun 15, 2017)
    The inherent wealth of the land is transferred into the hands of the Canadian government, corporations and the farmer. Therefore, racialization facilitates class structure and power differentials to impede social mobility of the subordinate culture for wealth exploitation.
    Racism saturates the Canadian power matrix. Befriended Dutch settler, Andy, did go on to explain that he has witnessed first hand the very real and vast majority of racial overtones of rural Canadians against Natives. That if and when an Aboriginal was caught on the farm they would shoot to kill. This ongoing historical sentiment from settlement times pervades the Canadian rural farmer and policing agencies collective thinking; which further marginalizing and alienates the First Nation. Colten Boushie’s group may not have been right for entering someone else’s property and causing damage. However, Colten did not deserve to die over it. After analyzing Andy’s explanation of racial tension, the conclusion is racialization cost Colten his life. An example of this is found in the 650 CKOM sound bite detailing the racism of the RCMP.
    “A former prosecutor and RCMP special constable, Murphy said he’s still waiting to hear back on a number of items he’s raised with police and the Crown. He said the family remains particularly upset with the police search of the home of Debbie Baptiste, Boushie’s mother, shortly after the shooting.‘It was just, in my view, a very inhumane way to deal with the mother of a young man who had just been shot and killed,’ he said. Murphy previously told 650 CKOM that the search involved officers asking Baptiste if she’d been drinking and saw police go as far as checking inside her microwave when she said she’d left dinner waiting for Boushie’s return.
    He said they’ve been told informally that none of the officers involved in searching Baptiste’s home would face discipline.
    “The RCMP officers who were involved in notifying Debbie Baptiste and Colten’s brothers have all essentially been found not to have committed any kind of wrongdoing whatsoever.”
    Murphy said he doesn’t buy the justification he’s heard so far for the search. On one hand, Murphy said police have claimed they had reason to believe there could have been an armed individual in the home. On the other, he said officers stated Baptiste invited them inside.
    “I’ve been doing criminal law for a long time. Those two things cannot co-exist. If the police believe that there is a person who is armed inside a residence, they don’t stand at the front door and have a conversation with the owner of the home about whether or not they can come in,” Murphy said.
    -Murphy said the family was still hoping for more information.
    Along with the issues around the search of Baptiste’s home, Murphy said the family still hopes to have success with a petition to bring in an outside prosecutor and a different police agency to work on the case.
    -Murphy said that request stemmed from issues with how and when evidence was gathered.
    In particular, Murphy said RCMP’s handling of the SUV Boushie died in, had left a lack of confidence in how the case was being conducted.
    -The vehicle was left outside at a private impound lot, before Stanley’s defence ever had a chance to look it over. Murphy said this left the evidence compromised, and potentially jeopardized the case. What’s more, Murphy said it appeared RCMP had lost track of the vehicle entirely, as it was due to go to auction before he discovered where it was.
    “It just leaves the general impression amongst the family members that this case is not being taken as seriously as it should be. And that is gravely concerning to this family upon the one year anniversary of this young man dying,” Murphy said. (650 CKOM, August 09, 2017, 08:27 am)
    The author’s uncle, Mr. Hohmann, who is of German ancestry and has a farm by the town of Indian Head, Saskatchewan, would have his equipment smashed, gas and car parts stolen by the neighbouring white farm kids 8 miles north of his property. The rural community was aware of these vandals, as they reported similar occurrences. The community did not get up in arms racializing the youth and spreading the notions of killing one of them if caught on their property. Nobody was shot to death over white crime on whites. The Boushie shooting would not have taken place if these young people were given the same opportunities as the mainstream culture. It also would not have escalated to the same level of violence on the part of the Stanleys had it been young drunk white adults coming onto the property; as there was no underlying group think of eliminating white vandals. There is no justifiable reason for rural Canadians to shoot to kill the “Indian”.
    Based on the area of Colten’s fatal wound and why the remaining people did not run from the scene. The writer has to conclude the young First Nations were held down by gun point. Colten’s gun shot wound behind the ear – a murder of execution. The racial hate perpetuated among farmers; the hurried escalation of the Stanley’s against the youth; the quick decision to use an illegal firearm; the entry wound of the bullet on Colten’s body; and the all white jury, despite protest, points to backlash of racial incited motives. The odds of the hang fire and the bullet being shot behind the ear, like a professional execution, are a million to one. When the pieces are put together, it suggests Colten was murdered to make a statement to the Aboriginals to stay off white farm lands. The jury decision was also a statement for Aboriginals to stop coming onto white farms for criminal activities. The European settler protected themselves and property with the use of imperialist justification and firearms. The progeny of the dominant culture echo the protectionism and imperialistic racism of their predecessors; as can be seen in Colten Boushie’s death at the end of a farmer’s gun.

    Disenfranchisement

    Does the exclusion of Aboriginal’s result in criminal activity? Does the reservation system marginalize First Nations?

    Stigmatization plays an immense role in First Nations unemployment and further disenfranchisement from the Canadian economic system. What we find on the reserve is a people group having: a broken culture and society, traumatization of colonization/residential schools and low incomes. The writer’s grandparent shared an experience he had when researching land claims for the Pasqua First Nations. Walter Gordon explained he was taken into a vaulted room of one of the Indian Affairs facilities and shown a historic map of his reservation. The map outlined an area that was ten times the size of what today is considered the Pasqua Reserve. Walter, as a one time chief/lands claims researcher, made this statement. “I was taken and shown the map of our territory. We will never see a full claim to it. Our territory splits Regina in half and Piapot reservation owns the other half of the City”. (Gordon. W, 1985) It is stories like these that Aboriginals share among themselves on their reservations with limited income and limited access to employment. They also discuss how they treated for an expansion of the reservation by one square mile for every family of five (The Number Treaties). Many Aboriginals view treaties as broken promises to a growing population of aboriginals on the reservations. Reservations that will never be able to support the indigenous growth as reserves are not a growing land mass; as was treated for, with the Crown.
    According to Statistics Canada, Aboriginal people are less likely to be employed than their non-Aboriginal counterparts. The 2011 National Household Survey shows an employment rate of 62.5 % among Aboriginal people of core working age (aged 25 to 64). The comparable rate for non-Aboriginal people is 75.8 %. (Statistics Canada, Aboriginal Peoples Survey, 2012.)
    One of the biggest barriers to working outside of the reservation is racialization.
    Many businesses will not hire Natives because of labels like alcoholics, unreliable, thieves, and undereducated. Young aboriginals have a lot of time on their hands and not a lot of hope for their future employment; or fitting into mainstream society. Among Aboriginals pro-social skills may not be developed to the same norms of the dominant culture.
    As suggested in critical theory, this is a result of fighting for limited resources on and off the reservation due to poverty. From Colonial trauma to poverty on the reservation the result on the people group is anomie. Poverty may cause the young person to steal gas or vehicles to get around from place to place in order to get off the reservation or do activities the dominant group takes for granted. Walter Gordon, had trouble maintaining his gas and farm vehicles, on the reservation family allotment, from other less fortunate band members of the Pasqua First Nation. Vehicles were stolen, work bins damaged, and tools stolen because he had economic means the other band member were not able to establish. The Boushie group was engaging in this exact behaviour of anomie. Wandering from farm to farm with a flat tire on their vehicle looking for gas or another vehicle to drive.
    What is clear, the policy of disenfranchisement imposed on the First Nation, and further exacerbation caused by underling racial group think, is the root cause of crimes committed out of poverty. Inherent in disenfranchisement is the process of racialization. The labels and stigmas imposed on the Aboriginal are “social sanctions” disqualifying them in social acceptance to the privilege of jobs, low to middle class acceptance in the mainstream and simple enjoyment of shopping in society with out being stalked by a floor walker for shoplifting.
    “Aboriginal Canadians face cultural barriers and racial discrimination when they migrate to Canadian cities. Racial profiling and discrimination by landlords, employers, police, and social agencies hinders the settlement of Aboriginal migrants…many Aboriginal Canadians experience difficulties remaining in their home reserve communities because of high rates of unemployment, lower educational opportunities, lack of healthcare services and the serious shortage of good quality housing. Despite its legal obligations, the federal government does not provide services on reserve communities comparable to what is offered to non-Aboriginal Canadians in areas like health, municipal services, or primary education.” (Moving to the City, 2005)
    The cycle from social sanctions to poverty leads to a subcultures crime rate; crime leads to further disenfranchisement from the mainstream culture. The process of disenfranchisement is clearly seen in the choices made by greater “macro social forces” playing out in “micro personal choices” between Colten Boushie and Gerald Stanley. Euro-Canadian colonial history meets Aboriginal biography in the matrix of power; the power differential of disenfranchisement enveloped Colten; a archetypal microcosm of the American Indian macrocosm.
    Conclusion
    Systemic racism is an ingrained subconscious elitism based on the historic privilege afforded to individuals based on power differentials imposed by the imperial power elite. Class structure manifests and facilitates this material elitism from birth to death in the Canadian “continuum of socialization”. Education of the existence of colonial root of elitism is key in changing racialization in Saskatchewan. A corporate European white collar Canadian worker may go through their whole life without ever having a second thought about the marginalized First Nation walking the city streets below their corporate building; disenfranchised from the system. Never fully knowing or understanding that the free market that affords them first world privileges was built on a draconian police state, forced on the Aboriginal. From the free market towers to media outlets the narrative suggest the criminal cultivation portrayed in the transmission of news organizations is why many First Nations live in the poverty cycle; perpetuating disenfranchisement and causing material frustration to both the dominant and subordinate culture.
    “The colonization process, a two – level system develops in which the White colonizers own, direct, and profit from industries that depend upon exploitation of colonized peoples who provide an unskilled, seasonal work force.” (James Frideres, Rene R. Gadacz, 2001, pg 6)
    The writer concludes that right and left leaning media sources used this incident to further political agendas to “manufacture consent” of voter sympathy. Justin Trudeau and the CBC faked white privilege scenario by using their own privileged position to gain left wing votes from the Aboriginal community and liberal sympathizers. While the right wing conservative media (The Rebel) used their white privilege to discredit the left’s faked news to discredit the narrative that there wasn’t any white privilege going on in the Stanley/ Boushie murder case. That it was “simply” white people honestly protecting themselves and deliberating righteously in the murder trial; conforming to the Conservative base.
    Unfortunately, the rumbling of the farm communities and their racism directed at Natives, proves “racialization” and white privilege. The farmer has a closer tie to the land and has to interact with the rural reality of the Aboriginal presence. The farmer is on the front line where the dominant privilege meets the disenfranchised First Nation. This systemic racism is so deep, that if confronted by the reality of it, people wouldn’t understand its full extent and historical existence. In the “normative” world we have come to know as Saskatchewan culture, this privilege provides the dominant group the right of enfranchisement in Canadian society. However, the normative power differential for the Indian is disenfranchisement. On a macro level, police show their ignorance on social media stating; “hard working people want real justice”. This justice was alluded to, as execution on the spot, as was the case for Colten; who is the representation of all American Indians.
    The writer of this article does sympathize with rural Saskatchewan, who at times may need to protect themselves from criminal elements. The understanding for self-defence should not be race based murder. To address the members of the RCMP’s ignorance; the history of that institute was organized to be a Para military to suppress “Indian mobility” and enforce the reservation system. The ignorance of the above mentioned statement from a Canadian authority shows the systemic racism filtering our Saskatchewan society. The history of colonialism facilitates racialization in Canadian class structure. Subsequently, perpetuating systemic racism in the contemporary pathology of Euro-Canadian and Aboriginal social relations. Stigmatization further marginalizes the Aboriginal into a poverty cycle of disenfranchisement. This racial exclusion can be seen in the outworking of the Colten Boushie/ Gerald Stanley case; as seen in the narrative within the media, law enforcement, decisions in judicial deliberation, jury selection and jury acquittal. The verdict, a historical root of imperialism/colonialism is the continuum of systemic racism within Saskatchewan.

    References
    Andy (personal communication, March 12, 2019) – catch@payments.interac.ca
    [undefined:catch@payments.interac.ca – text 1 204 485-4013)
    The Canadian State, n.d., Retrieved from https://www.waterdowncivics.org/the-canadian-
    state.html
    Carl Jung, Collective Unconscious, n.d., Retrieved frome carl-
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